Victory!!!~ Guarani Kaiowá TI Iguatemipeguá I !!!
Victory!!! GIVE publishes Report for the identification and delimitation of Mbarakay and Pyelito, creating the Guarani Kaiowá TI Iguatemipeguá I
In order dated yesterday, January 7, 2013, the President of Funai, Marta Maria of Amaral Azevedo, welcomed and approved the summary of the detailed report for identification and demarcation of indigenous land Iguatemipegua I (Mbarakay and Pyelito), occupation of the indigenous group Kaiowá, located in the municipality of Iguatemi, State of Mato Grosso do Sul.
The order is published in the Official Gazette (I) today, 8 January (section 1, p. 25-29), followed by the Report, authored by anthropologist Alexandra Barbosa da Silva, who is a technical document at the same time and blunt, righteous and indignant, scientific and sickening. Here’s it in full, taken just the beginning with numbers of processes etc, and with separate text into paragraphs, unlike unreadable blocks of DOU.
The Summary should be read by tod @ s @ s @ s @ s darkness dign Brazil. The team coordinated by Alexandra Barbosa da Silva gave names to “own the horse” and his minions and showed clearly how the Guarani Kaiowá were esbulhados over the past few decades. Congratulations to her and to the team! Congratulations to all the people who have been execradas (and in recent days persecuted by Facebook) for having “Guarani Kaiowá” added to their names! Congratulations, above all, to the Guarani Kaiowá! Is the first in a series of victories and achievements that have to happen ASAP! That vengan!
Summary of the detailed report for identification and demarcation of indigenous land Iguatemipegua I
I – first part-general data
The Guarani Kaiowa and Guarani indigenous peoples Ñandéva, speaking guarani, Tupi-guarani language family and members of Tupi, in Mato Grosso do Sul occupy the Southern Cone, adding 46,675 people (source: Funasa, 2011), which are divided into 33 locales (among indigenous lands and camps). From archaeological data and written sources it is known that the guarani-speaking people inhabit tropical and subtropical forests of the southern part of Brazil (South, Southeast, beyond the current state of Mato Grosso do Sul) from 1,200 b.c., approximately.
Since the European conquest, different individuals and non-indigenous agencies (as missionaries and fronts of occupation) came to foist them a coexistence and a live interaction, which have crucial effects on territorial dynamics of these people. In the southern cone region, specifically, the indigenous oral reports, as well as various records and written documentation prove traditional occupation and use kaiowa territorial spaces that comprise the tekoha guasu formed by the lands of the left bank of the River Mall. This is therefore a broad territory, within which these Indians occupy the margins and the headwaters of streams (mines, rivers and streams) that converge on the Mall. Thus, the term (guarani) “Iguatemipegua” refers to those who are related to or originating from the region of Iguatemi (River).
From the historical point of view, it is clear that from the last decades of the 19TH century, immigrants from São Paulo, Minas Gerais, Rio Grande do Sul and Parana began to set amidst native herbal Cono of MS, kicking off the farming activities in the region, disputing land with the Cia. Matte Baofu and establishing serious obstacles to indigenous occupation. According to the existing documentation in the archives of Funai, in 1910 and 1920 the Indian protection service (SPI) has defined 8 consignments, with 3,600 ha surface (League on the Court) each, to be reserved to the Kaiowa and the Ñandeva, always in the Southern Cone. Under the prevailing assimilationist perspective, these lots, located near urban centers, came to be installed administrative posts, with the attraction of different indigenous tekoha, aiming to integrate them to the way of life ranked as “civilized”, releasing vast territorial extensions for colonization. This colonization project thus imposed the gradual process of indigenous dispossession (claims) that there has never been a territorial formation.
The demarcation of these areas was effectively with extensions below the 3,600 ha and correspond to T.I.s Benjamin Constant (2,429 ha) and lime green (660 ha) in Amambai; Caarapó (3,594 ha) in Caarapó; Dourados (3,475 ha) in Gold; Takuapery (1,886 ha), in Coronel Sapucaia; Puerto Lindo (1,649 ha), in Japorã; Pirajuy (2,118 acres), in Padilla, and Sassoró (1,923 ha) in the Tacuru. In addition, these reserves covered only fragments of tendápe and/or tekoha, without taking into account the specificity of territorial dynamics of Kaiowa and Ñandeva. Based on extensive research of a multidisciplinary nature, noted that this historical process of proven intractable claims explains the current situation of extreme social and territorial vulnerability experienced by Kaiowa TI Iguatemipegua I.
II-The Second Part – Permanent Housing
The occupation of the territory by the kaiowa historically configured in the form of large networks of geographically, Alliance with dynamic sociological and fluid contours, usually arranged inside a basin set. One or more te yi or ñemoñare (extended families or groups macrofamiliares) articulated based on a tendápe (Northeast or Canton); several tendápe articulated, in turn, constitute a tekoha (“village” or “community”, roughly); the articulation of several tekoha tekoha guasu/results in a trifle (large area).
Each te yi or ñemoñare is organised around an elder and/or Crone (tamõi or jari). Considering that the Kaiowa kinship relations are organized in terms of up, a person may be regarded as belonging to the place of origin of his father as the birthplace of his mother. The status of the spouses of leaders is proportional to the number of nuclear families that make up the relatives; in this sense, the death or replacement of articulator generates territorial and political rearrangements can occur, the formation of a new companion tekoha.
From the mid 1940, inside the tekoha guasu Iguatemipegua were compulsorily transferred to the reserves of Sassoró, Green Lemon, Amambai and Takuapiry many families from several kaiowa microregions of the tekoha Pyelito and Mbarakay (such as Mba and guay, Y hû miri, Tata rendy, Arroyo Pe, Souza Kue, Pochy Yvu Guasu, Takuajusyry, Mbarakay, Tapesuaty, Aguara kua, Naranjaty guasu, Remísio, Kue Kue Maci, Itamoro, Jetyaisyry, Petyry, Yryvuy, Galician kue, Ysau, Pyelito, Mandiy and Siriguelo). Such families have established ties of kinship amongst themselves, articulated networks so unbreakable bond with these territorial spaces. In addition to documentation writing, life stories of some contemporary leaders illustrate the wider process of territorial claims made against these families kaiowa.
In relation to the tekoha Mbarakay, it is known that, in the mid of 1950 in Brazil named Mba ‘ and guay, settled the Indian name not Vidal Amaral. Mba ‘ and guay is so central in tekoha Mbarakay and was where the family lived at the time headed by tamõi (head of extended family) Major General. Didn’t take long to drop her oxen by Vidal Mba ‘ and guay, a fairly common strategy at the time. According to the indigenous oral memory, before reaching there, the Kaiowa Vidal residents, in addition to the plantations, had also some cattle and pigs, as well as some horses, whom Vidal Amaral raked their own animals, so mix them and confuse them with those of the indigenous. To the displeasure of the kaiowa, farmer stated that if they were unhappy, they could move.
It was then that tamõi Major Gayle moved with his family to Northeast Souza Kue, where he met another family kaiowa, led by Leandro Martins. The latter (elder) remembered that earlier (when he was a boy, that is, mitã rusu) family non-indigenous men, Agrawal dynasty of several micro-regions of Mbarakay; Thus, Alitre and Selvino Aquino entered the Northeast “Maci Kue”, at which point the Leandro family had to get out of there, going to the Northeast Souza Kue. Because of these displacements in all Mba and guay were, in fact, those who have agreed to provide services to Vidal.
Already because of the coercion of others not Indian, Dingo Silveira, who settled in what is recognized as the region’s Mba and guay, the native son of Major General (Aristides Gonçalves) and her mother ended up going to Sassoró It. However, due to the need of manpower, later Dingo incorporated Aristides and his brother, already at work “in the daily” (i.e. paid work per day). Already to late 1960 reached the Northeast called Yvu Pochy Guasu (literally, “mine [water] great and brave”) non-Indian known as Rajarshi, and before him, the “cat” (contractor) José Escobar, for whom some kaiowa worked at felling of bushes.
With Escobar already exploiting the indigenous labor, Otacilio and Escobar allied themselves to the withdrawal and trade in timber. Among those who worked for Escobar was Rondon Rao (son of tamõi Earring Rao and father of Andrea Rao). At another time, both Rondon and his brother, Orcídio Lee, were working with another farmer, Breda, who settled and felled the mato in Tapesuaty-this when Orcídio had just over 20 years, i.e. at the end of 1950.
Orcídio account that came out of the place, but Rondon was, with her mother, but no longer able to farm or raise animals for themselves. Orcídio has been with his wife for the Sassoró reserve, where his father-in-law was residing. The family of Andrea Rao found himself obliged to withdraw the tekoha in mid-1970, being that other families kaiowa there remained. In 1974, after being expelled by the farmer Otacilio, Evangelical mission missionaries Kaiowa went to Mbarakay to get the Indians out of the truck and take them to the Sassoró. For its part, Pyelito is the name given to a kaiowa hence families originating in tekoha. In written sources it is possible to find spellings as “Rabble”, “Pueblito” and “Poblinho” for it.
This term, probably, eventually establishing themselves from non-speaking Indians of Paraguayan origin, who settled in the region. As we can see from its meaning in Castilian (i.e., “pueblito” = small), the term refers to the existence of a human group. Among the Indians, the guarani pronunciation becomes “pyelito”, often being you added the “kue” (indicative of past time, meaning “what” or “what was”); so, “Pyelito Kue” means “the [seat] that was the Pyelito”.
The kaiowa respondents referred its output Pyelito to compulsory years 1940 and 1950, with the most significant shift took place during the years of 1970. The memory of these Indians is that three brothers of surname Namgyal (i.e. Oscar, Filomeno and John) were the first non-Indians to present themselves as owners in the spaces of the tekoha Pyelito. Another relative of Nogueira was Fortunato Fernandes, who became owner of a farm, included in the territory of the tekoha Pyelito. Filomeno Nogueira is the same that is mentioned in SPI documents as “Philomeno Nogueira” (as in “telegram No. 1738, the day August 3, 1942, for the head of the Indian Post Benjamin Constant), where I asked the employee to take” action in order to have them remove my property ‘ Saint Rita ‘ a group of Indians that there are. Because they are hurting me in my said property “. According to respondents, Philomeno was promoting a fragmentation of ownership over the land, causing this the appearance of several other non-indigenous occupants – among these, a Paraguayan national, named Moses.
The brothers Diego Vargas and Vargas Elcílio (or “Delcílio”), along with their respective spouses Anibal Ramos and Ubaldo Porto, have also been referred to as having been appropriate other micro-regions that comprised the territory of Pyelito. Specifically in the Northeast named Pyelito, was by direct pressure Paraguay Moses the kaiowa who lived there had to leave the place. However, Elcílio Vargas, who had been installed in the northeast of the neighbouring (Ysau Northeast Pyelito), rather than expel the families who lived there, started to attract those who had been expelled from Pyelito. The Kaiowa were unanimous in stating that Elcílio Vargas broadcast throughout the region that all of Pyelito that they wanted to, they could move to the Ysau because there would be welcomed and would work.
As you can see from the documents searched, this invitation was responding to the need for more manpower for the job. In this sense, it is observed that the pressure and intensity of conflicts over Pyelito varied over the years, as the titles of ownership were being subdivided. To pass from one person to several others, the subdivision has caused strong pressure and hit the internal territorial dynamics of Pyelito families, who found themselves obliged to go if downloading a northeast region to another, settling on the farms, already forced to work for the new employer, or even withdraw the tekoha Pyelito by going to the reservations created by SPI (especially the Sassoró).
In spite of the process of expropriation (proven intractable claims), it turns out that these families continue accessing kaiowa tekoha points of origin to carry out their traditional activities. So, still not having managed to keep full ownership on all the areas traditionally occupied, the natives continued using and occupying these areas of the ways they were provided: collecting, hunting, fishing, albeit with great cerceamentos, as well as moving into the woods still preserved (start) and then provided “pawns” of the farms who settled in tekoha, or in seasonal jobs. Therefore, at present there are collective initiatives of territorial spaces recovery expropriated, in the form of camps, leaving evidence that colonization was not able to destroy the indissoluble bond that these families maintain with you Iguatemipegua I, which continues to structure its worldview and sociopolitical organization.
III – third part-production activities
Homegroup (consisting of an extended family of at least three generations) is the axis around which to rotate all activities among the Kaiowa. In this way, it is also for this sociological unit that we need to look at to understand how technical and economic activities of the indigenous people are organized. It is possible to identify two major territorial levels both for the production of food and material resources as well as access to these.
The first relates to the domestic space of a group of three generations (i.e. a te yi) and its surroundings, where they develop culinary activities, production of objects and tools, agricultural and production of medicinal plants and animals, as well as the water intake and the development of activities of collecting firewood, fruits, honey, and trappingin cases where the homegroup is established along the forested areas. In this way, the necessary resources to productive activities developed by TI Iguatemipegua kaiowa I find themselves in the area comprised by streams Mandiy Ypane, and Siriguelo, the River Mbarakay and by all other sources and related watercourses that form the watershed of the River Hovy [“Jogui”] (in turn, constituent Iguatemi River basin). The radius of action of this first level is a few hundred metres from the spaces of the residences.
The second level refers to the widely diverse spaces (either in size or in ecological characteristics) where are developed the activities defined by the Kaiowa as jeheka (“go looking”), which include the collection of raw materials, wild fruits, certain practices of hunting and fishing, but also, these days, business transactions and exchanges (barter), temporary jobs on farms (the so-called changas) and engagement in the harvesting of sugar cane and ethanol industry.
In this second level, the range can vary from a few kilometres (where there are rivers, streams and forests in the vicinity, as well as relatives settled nearby, with which to compose teams for execution of activities or settling Exchange circuits, internally to spanning spaces and jurisdiction of a local political community), up to several tens of kilometers-when the jeheka aimed at further residencesin local fishing and more specialised hunting, but also, in the present day, for cities, farms and alcohol plants.
Except for this last case, where sugar cane production can be in the hundreds of kilometers of indigenous dwellings, other activities take place almost exclusively within the tekoha guasu (broad territory) to which people belong, also being thrown, for such purpose, the wide network of relatives in this vast space, which allows the creation of foundations for the development of more specialized practices of jeheka.
Specialized literature and documents underscore the fact that the Guarani people are farmers. Even today agriculture is the activity of food production more prized by the kaiowa, so its importance cannot be reduced to economic aspects, but covers a very significant symbolic and ritual dimension. Such importance of agriculture is perceived even in overcrowded holding reservations, where, though quite restrained, it continues to be practiced, as observed in all areas visited by the members of the technical group, i.e. Amambai, lemon green, Sassoró and Takuapery (all being areas reserved for SPI), as well as T.I. Jaguapiré (identified and demarcated between the second half of the Decade of 1980 and the beginnings of 1990). In places that make their plantations, the kaiowa do not form monocultures, consorciando various types of food plants, such as maize, cassava, rice, beans, sweet potatoes, yams, pumpkin, sugar cane, banana, among others, (planting also annatto, used as a dye, and possibly smoking, primarily for chewing).
Although all these plants are part of the diet of Indians, without doubt the most important are the manioc and corn. Cassava is grown throughout the year, constituting food that provides carbohydrates daily. The various corn varieties occupy a particular place. The avati morotî (white corn), in particular, is important in the cosmological relationships, standing at the base of the annual avatikyry ceremony (the baptism of corn and young plants), which occurs between February and March. In relation to their production, it is usually limited, and, in the case of White maize, due to their rarity and scarcity, its cultivation seems to have acquired greater symbolic importance in relation to the past, today associated almost exclusively the needs the rituals — and, consequently, related the activities xamanísticas.
The fishing and hunting activities among the Guarani does not only have an economic and technical function; they are also regarded as a form of sport. In this way, they are relevant to the processes of socialization of children and for the competition (always derisive) between individuals. They also make up the list of jeheka. The movement through the territory implies the knowledge of this, to provide a mapping of the resources existing there. In this way, the “walk” (oguata) by the territory almost always brings a combination of activities, hunting, fishing, collecting fruits, honey and firewood. Moreover, nowadays, the jeheka is still temporary jobs (changa) on farms or in factories and alcohol, as well as collecting objects (such as cans and plastic gallons, which will be used for domestic purposes) in urban centers, object transaction etc.
Given the extremely precarious conditions, arising from overcrowding the kaiowa lands in Mato Grosso do Sul, seasonal work in the mills became the means for obtaining of resources generally honest food and general consumption of households and complemented well by baskets coming from government programs. We emphasize that, if, on the one hand, these means will become widespread, favouring some to the survival of indigenous peoples, in particular the work on power plants has deleterious effects on the health, well-being and longevity of all adult male, as well as a collectivity to proceed, in the vast majority of cases, in situations that put the Kaiowa (and Ñandéva) in General in extreme social vulnerability, with disregard to basic human rights.
IV – fourth part-environment
A fact evident today in areas held by indigenous peoples is the environmental degradation in broad terms. However, despite this decline, the Kaiowa seek ways to continue collecting food, going through the territory, planting and hunting, to the extent possible. A third finding already highlighted by the environmental study performed is that the natives do everything to continue the relationship maintained with existing native forest environments in times past.
The agricultural activity, based on extensive farming and monoculture for export, and trade caused the almost total deforestation of the southern cone in the State of Mato Grosso do Sul. So, for the Kaiowa clearly declined from resources of forests and native of cerrado, being this fall an influential factor in the development of the activities of indigenous peoples in new environmental scenario.
The relationship that the Kaiowa establish with the environment and the territory unfolds in complex political and symbolic aspects, applicants in the history of occupation in the region. The collection in the forest and in all landscape units is part of everyday traditional activities of the Kaiowa, when the Indians do not allow them to attend these places. Indians seek and collect a large diversity of native vegetation products: timber, medicinal plants and rituals, thatch and other covering houses, fruits, tubers, seeds, materials for crafts and honey. For the Kaiowa, honey is one of the most important collection products. The Indians recognize plenty of honeybee native species and have a great knowledge about nesting places and the forms and structures of beehives that vary in function of each species. The forest vegetation is certainly the environment which, because of its natural wealth, offers more products, hunting and gathering. But in all landscape units (rear, cerradão, field, swamp, rivers and streams, water mines) Indians are plants that thrive for varying uses.
Among all products, medicinal plants have a very privileged role. From the environmental studies carried out it was possible to realize the wealth and sophistication of the knowledge about the elements of a territory where the Kaiowa have lived for centuries, making them an investigation and trials, obtaining therefore results more consistent with the needs for physical and cultural reproduction of these groups. Ecological knowledge and the traditional use of natural resources remain, with force, these days, even with fairly deteriorated environmental conditions.
The territorial occupation of kaiowa mode is an excellent means of management, which contributes to the maintenance and reproduction of conditions optimized in people’s relationship with the environment and that, above all, will be a key factor for the recovery and maintenance of resources and to the physical and cultural reproduction within the indigenous land Iguatemipegua i. resources to the well-being of kaiowa this YOU are in the area comprised by Mandiy streams, Siriguelo, and Ypane Mbarakay and by all other sources and related watercourses that form the watershed of the River Hovy [“Jogui”] (in turn, constituent Iguatemi River basin), covered by this proposal for limits.
V – part five – physical and cultural Reproduction
The land is conceived as the place that was delivered by the deities to the Kaiowa, for which it lived and it looked after his; in these terms, the value given to the Earth is not only economical, but also, and so fundamental, a symbolic value. The relationship that each community establishes specific territorial spaces (tendápe or micro-regions) is unique and inextricable.
With respect to practices relating to death and so the disappearance of an individual both your physical and social world, among the Guaraní-speaking groups in General, death means exceptional care for with the “soul” of the deceased. Roughly speaking, while being complete, the person is composed of at least two different souls. The soul that corresponds to divine and pure identity of person (named ñe ‘ and [= speaks] expressed as ayvu [= bird]), which, after the death of the body, returns to celestial level where it is sourced. The second soul (anguê or anguêry) is the one who carries the vicissitudes and impurities of life on Earth; It is the shadow of the person and, with the death of the body, becomes a potential danger to the living. There must be a careful ritual so that this second soul does not cause harm to the living; otherwise, she can foist them illnesses and even death, being regarded as a generator of suicides. For this reason, once, with space available, if burned the House of the deceased and their family group if transferred to another place.
A set of factors — such as the intervention of non-indigenous modes of proceeding to burials and the increasing difficulty of burning the House and move, within the crowded villages – led to the definition of a unique space for burial of all that inhabit a particular indigenous land: the cemetery. Because the physical concentration of the bodies of the dead – something new for these indigenous people – with the procedures and the relationship with the dead shall remain in the strict limits of your group and of kinship. It is important to emphasize the imperative of inextricable link with the land to which the person belonged in life, becoming the remembrance of the deceased and their mortal remains part of the symbolic heritage of those alive that constitute its community of belonging.
Bury the person in a land that does not keep an identity, that is, to which she belongs, is not an anomaly of difficult equation in cosmological and spiritual terms for the Kaiowa, constituting something must have, at some point, repair to the sociocosmológico planning becomes one that should be, the correct. By constituting a significant clue and materially visible indigenous link with its territory, a widespread practice was that of non-indigenous owners destroy the graves (yta) which were within the limits of the farms, a fact that caused great dissatisfaction and concern among indigenous peoples also so widespread.
This feeling of autoctonia occurs via specific spaces of this land of clipping, which become support for the development of life from every political community kaiowa. Thus, it is an exclusive jurisdiction on the part of every community on each of these spaces which allows you to identify the boundaries inter-community. Indeed, we are not faced with the image of a unique territory, as a homogeneous whole, but of different territorial spaces, according to the communities that inhabit–that is, each community related to your tendápe (place or region specific). In this sense, the value that is given to Earth has been greatly potentiated by kaiowa, precisely because it has been partially taken from their domains – what prevents you from performing as it should, your own way of being and living (the teko though).
The metaphors used by the Guarani to indicate the features of the Earth are usually attached to the human body, where the primary functions of eating, resting and feeding are important attributes to its physiology. According to recent ethnological research, the Kaiowa allow the Earth to feed during the rest under evanescent techniques, whereby there will be a spontaneous reforestation (named by the Indians of ñemboka ‘ aguyjevy, meaning “let the weeds grow back”), while in place planted will be the land itself that will feed the Indians. The rituals (such as avatikyry), in turn, will allow this earth don’t get sick, keeping the balance in this symbiotic relationship.
Thus, the areas necessary for physical and cultural reproduction of the kaiowa TI Iguatemipegua I, according to their usages, customs and traditions, can be found in the area by Mandiy streams, Siriguelo and Ypane, by the River Mbarakay and by all other sources and related watercourses that form the watershed of the River Hovy [“Jogui”] (in turn, constituent Iguatemi River basin).
Part VI-Land Survey
The colonization of the southern cone in the State of Mato Grosso do Sul revealed a process of occupation of the lands by non-indigenous beginning in the mid-1830 – with migrations of northern Mato Grosso, as well as later, in Minas Gerais and São Paulo (Chew, 1999)-, but consolidating itself already in the first decades of the 20th century, in the wake of the end of monopoly achieved by Matte Baofu Company. The exploration of Yerba maté and the establishment of farms were responsible for the development of urban infrastructure (shops, grocery stores and markets, banks, schools, health posts), which eventually lead to the formation of urban centres and festivals, of varying sizes and dimensions.
The urban core on the region’s oldest port is San Diego, border town with Pedro Juan Caballero (Paraguay), whose municipality currently has 77,872 inhabitants (IBGE 2010). Gold, the second most important city in the State (after the capital, Campo Grande), whose city has 196,035 inhabitants (IBGE 2010) until the year 1930 was just a district of the city of Ponta Porã, constituting a settlement. In the Decade of 1940 was the emancipation of the municipality of Dourados, that in 50 years saw to open roads that allowed connection to various points, with a large increase in agricultural production and a concomitant growth in population due to migration, especially of gauchos.
The State of Mato Grosso do Sul as a whole, and its southern cone in particular suffered a progressive deforestation on its surface, and, aside from some investments in coffee, the formation of large expanses of pasture so widespread in the years 1960, but with much of the Woods even if keeping preserved until the early years of the Decade of 1970. During this decade was that if has a deforestation, this Yes almost overall, the region, at a time when if efetivava deployment, so massive, extensive culture of sugar cane and soy, especially while it accentuated the mechanization of agricultural activities. For its part, the logging also went on to perform as highly profitable activity in this decade.
In indigenous land Jaguapiré (municipality of Tacuru) there are many Indians who 80 years still worked for the overthrow of the Bush in the region. The large and many works to overthrow the Bush were brought forth through the figure of the contractor (the “cat”), the one that managed the work and subcontratava Indians. Most of these contractors was Paraguayan citizens – repeating what had occurred in the exploration of the herb in the 21st century. XIX. Accordingly, at first, even though the land had been clipped and titrated in private homes (the farms), many parts of it remained unexplored by non-Indians. In the regional accounts is current that prevailed when the Woods, if I listened to the roar of Oz, indicating that these spaces were not frequented by non-Indians. So, if there were numerous cases of expulsion of Indian families, there were also farmers who employed kaiowa labor on work of the farms.
There are documents of the SPI that, in 1940, there were “a group of 215 Indians” living in tekoha Pyelito, whose ownership has been requested by a “private” (Antônio Lopes da Silva), which, in turn, had forwarded a request of about 500 hectares of land, obtaining, and in fact, without knowing for what reasonsrather, a parcel higher: of 2,000 hectares. Once reached the titling, Antonio sold the lands to Philomeno Nogueira, who went on to press for the withdrawal of the local indigenous community, SPI agents then come to take action, seeking the legal instruments to that end. According to reports obtained under the work of this WG, Philomeno Nogueira was promoting a fragmentation of ownership over the land, causing this to fix several other non-indigenous – among these, a Paraguayan national, named Moses, who drove several families of the tekoha.
The brothers Diego Vargas and Vargas Elcílio (or “Delcílio”), along with their respective spouses Anibal Ramos and Ubaldo Porto, also have appropriated from other micro-regions that comprised the territory of Pyelito. With regard specifically to the micro-region called Pyelito, was by direct pressure Paraguay Moses the kaiowa who lived there had to leave the place. There is documentation of the SPI (extinct in 1967) that relates to land of the indigenous struggle not only with Philomeno Nogueira, but with several other non-indigenous.
As it turns out, the kaiowa interviewed families belonging to the tekoha Pyelito, as well as those belonging to the tekoha Mbarakay occupied the spaces it Iguatemipegua I constituents without being harassed in their lives and activities by non-indigenous; in the first case, until the early 1940 and in the second, until the beginnings of the years 1950. Their stories reveal, so collective, which was from those respective times that found themselves down by non-Indians, that collect of territorial spaces here in question, they take different strategies, either incorporating them as labor is expelling them from the land. Was still of the same corporate family as manpower if desentendessem with the boss and were then expelled from farms. The return to Earth, however, in a significant number of cases, already at work for other employers, often the heirs of the first. Such State of Affairs reveals a persistence of families remain in the ownership of these lands.
The claims involve suffered a large number of cases, had the participation of agents of the official indigenous body and, in the case of the community of Mbarakay, also of missionaries. The lands that make up the t. I Iguatemipegua I, well delimited, in what came to be as the municipality of Iguatemi, characterized by an economy based on agriculture, framing in called “agribusiness”, in which the extensive cattle breeding and production monocultora (for trade and export) is decisive for the operating mode of the Earth.
The settlement of Iguatemi started Strong from the Mall (built between 1765 and 1770), destroyed in the attacks of the forces of Paraguay, in 1777. In 1948 it was raised to district and the municipality was created in 1963. In the year 2007 he presented a production of 33,600 tons. for soybeans, 29,200 tons. corn grain and 375 ton. beans-beans (IBGE). Cattle production is a great brand: in 2011 the town featured a flock of 282,985 heads (source: IBGE). In contrast, its human population in 2010 was 14,875 inhabitants, spread over 2,946,524 km2 (IBGE); pop ratio./territory is thus of 5.05 inhabitants per km2.
It was found that the current land landscape is the result of a willful claims history procedure practised against the Kaiowa in General and specific families of the communities of Mbaraky and Pyelito. According to the studies of cartorial land and nature were detected 46 buildings inside of YOU Iguatemipegua I, being that this was the area of 31 buildings (by declaration of holders or owners), which together would total around 32,253 ha, or an average of 1,040 ha property. Considering only the portion of the property inserted into YOU now bounded on the lesser extent is of 48 ha, 5,339 and the .4950 ha. The improvements are most common pasture and fences, corrals and other productive improvements related to cattle.
In there are houses for employees, warehouses for raw materials and machinery and buildings. In the area as a whole there are about 85 km of roads, public cascalhadas. In some homes there are private roads or access roads shared with other buildings. Register that the detailed assessment of occupations and improvements will be carried out after the issuance of Declaratory Ruling of the indigenous land Iguatemipegua I, with a view to the payment of compensation, in the form of law.
Was held consultation with the real estate registration office of Iguatemi, the requested information, however, were not sent to Funai until the present time. Their “Statement of non-Indians occupying” is presented below.
Part VII – Conclusion and delimitation
Based on studies of ethnohistorical, anthropological nature documentary, written, cartographic and land environmental, gathered by a qualified technical staff authorised by ministerial orders of the President of FUNAI, in accordance with the provisions of Decree 1775/96, it is concluded that the indigenous land now bounded consists of an approximate surface of 41,571 hectares and perimeter of approximately 100 Miles (as shown on map and descriptive, which follow below), in the municipality of Iguatemi. You Iguatemipegua I is the traditional occupation of the families of kaiowa tekoha Pyelito and Mbarakay, showing the environmental conditions necessary for the realization of the activities of these same families and having critical importance from the point of view of their well-being and their physical and cultural reproduction needs, according to their usages, customs and traditions, therefore, the provisions of article 231 of the Federal Constitution in force.
Alexandra Barbosa da Silva Anthropologist, Coordinator of the Working Group
Starts the description of this perimeter at point P-01, approximate geographical coordinates of 23° 17 ‘ S and 54° 46 24.3 ‘ 14.6 WGr., situated at the confluence of an unnamed stream with the river New Delhi,; This is followed by the right bank of the said River, downstream, to the point P-02, approximate geographic coordinates 21° 23 ‘ 54 and 36° S 32.5 ‘ 34.3 WGr.; located at the confluence of a stream without name, hence, follow by the said Creek, upstream, to the point P-03, approximate geographical coordinates of 23° 25 ‘ S and 54° 37 15.5 ‘ 46.8 WGr., located at your bedside in a region of erosion; Hence, follows by a straight line to the point P-04, approximate geographic coordinates 26° 23 ‘ 03.5 sec and 4° 38 ‘ 04.5 WGr., situated at the head of the stream Siriguelo in a region of erosion; Hence, it follows by cited stream, downstream, to the point P-05, approximate geographical coordinates of 23° 35 ‘ S and 54° 31.5 ‘ 51.8 WGr. 41, located on a bridge of Highway MS-386; Hence, it follows by the said stream, downstream to the confluence with the Joguí River at point P-06, approximate geographical coordinates of 23° 36 ‘ S and 54° 42 42.5 ‘ 42.3 WGr.; Hence, follows the left bank of the said River upstream to the confluence of the stream Ipané in point P-07, approximate geographical coordinates of 23° 35 ‘ S and 54° 44 01.4 ‘ 44.2 WGr.; Hence, follows the left bank of the said Creek, upstream, to the point P-08, approximate geographic coordinates 34° 23 ‘ S and 54° 44 01.2 ‘ 28.8 WGr., located on a bridge of Highway MS-386; Hence, it follows by that stream through the left bank upstream, to the point P-09, approximate geographical coordinates of 23° 24 ‘ S and 54° 45 44.3 ‘ 22.1 WGr., located on the shore of the said Creek; Hence, follows by a straight line to the point P-10, approximate geographical coordinates of 23° 24 ‘ S and 54° 46 22.3 ‘ 17.2 WGr., located on a road vicinal; Hence, follows by a straight line to the point P-11, approximate geographical coordinates of 23° 23 ‘ 45.1 S and 54° 46 ‘ 52.8 WGr., located in a motto; Hence, follows by a straight line to the point P-12, approximate geographical coordinates of 23° 23 ‘ S and 54° 47 14.7 ‘ 29.5 WGr., located on a road vicinal; Hence, follows by a straight line to the point P-13, approximate geographical coordinates of 23° 22 ‘ S and 54° 48 39.6 ‘ 31.0 WGr., located at the confluence of an unnamed stream with the Stream Régis Cuê; Hence, it follows by the said Creek, upstream, to your bedside, point P-14, approximate geographic coordinates 21° 23 ‘ S and 54° 48 12.8 ‘ 05.1 WGr.; then follows a path between the forest, general direction North to the point P-15, approximate geographical coordinates of 23° 20 ‘ S and 54° 47 47.0 ‘ 58.2 WGr., located on a road vicinal; then follows a path along a general direction, North to the point P-16, approximate geographical coordinates of 23° 20 ‘ S and 54° 47 27.9 ‘ 54.6 WGr., located in a fence; Hence, follow straight to the point P-17, approximate geographical coordinates of 23° 20 ‘ S and 54° 48 20.5 ‘ 11.7 WGr., located on a road vicinal; Hence, follows by a straight line to the point P-18, approximate geographic coordinates 19° 23 ‘ S and 54° 47 57.2 ‘ 58.5 WGr., located at a crossing of roads; Hence, follows by a straight line to the point P-19, approximate geographic coordinates 19° 23 ‘ S and 54° 48 26.4 ‘ 40.7 WGr., located on a road vicinal; Hence, follows by a straight line to the point P-20, approximate geographic coordinates 19° 23 ‘ S and 54° 48 04.9 ‘ 31.0 WGr., located on the Bank of the stream Marcelina; Hence, it follows that Creek, upstream, to the point P-21, approximate geographic coordinates 19° 23 ‘ S and 54° 48 05.2 ‘ 29.0 WGr., located on the Bank of the stream Marcelina; Hence, follows by a straight line to the point P-22, approximate geographic coordinates 18° 23 ‘ S and 54° 15.7 48 ‘ 11.5 WGr., located on a road vicinal; Hence, it follows that road, general direction-East, until the point P-23, approximate geographic coordinates 18° 23 ‘ S and 54° 47 23.7 ‘ 58.6 WGr., located at the intersection with a road vicinal secondary; Hence, following by secondary, General East direction vicinal, until the point P-24, approximate geographic coordinates 18° 23 ‘ S and 54° 47 28.6 ‘ 42.9 WGr., located in vicinal; Hence, follows by a straight line to the point P-25, approximate geographic coordinates 18° 23 ‘ S 54° and 27.2 47 ‘ 42.0 WGr., located at the head of a stream without name; Hence, it follows by the said stream, downstream, to the point P-01, early description of this perimeter. Note: 1-Cartographic Base used in the preparation of this descriptive: MI-2751, MI-2777 1: 100,000 Scale – DSG – 1972/1972. 2-all coordinates described here are geo-referenced to WGS84 Datum. Responsible for identification of boundaries: Manel Elihimas Agronomist CREA Prod. 16,154/D – PE.